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Tipping Point
Tipping Point 7
Tipping Point
From a paper by : Alex Evans and David Steven, 2007
The London Accord and Centre of International Cooperation,
Climate
change: the state of the debate
2005 to the
present day
There have been changes in the US since the Bush’s
repudiation of Kyoto – changes that are illustrative of a
shift
in leadership on the issue. In a trend that parallels the fate of the
Global Climate Coalition, a consistent position against action on
climate has proved hard to maintain.
According to analysis by Henrik Selin and Stacy VanDeveer, “a
growing number of climate change leaders – and the political,
legal, and practical actions [these leaders] take –
increasingly
shape debates and policy-making in the United States.”xxxvi
They argue that: "This growth in sub-national and private sector
climate change
initiatives is driven by a multitude of networked actors who pioneer
climate change initiatives ahead of federal requirements. More
specifically, network participants channel influence through four
overlapping pathways: (1) the strategic demonstration of the
feasibility of climate change action; (2) the creation and expansion of
markets; (3) policy diffusion and learning; and (4) the creation and
promulgation of norms about the need for more aggressive climate change
action. Combined, these pathways promote both moral and strategic
reasons for policy change."
Support for these ‘networked actors’ has been
forthcoming
from outside the country. Europeans have actively attempted to unsettle
the US stand on Kyoto by attempting to develop links with scientists,
businesses, NGOs, and sub-national entities on the issue. The
culmination of this work was the signing, in 2006, of a climate
agreement between the UK and California, the latter represented by its
governor, Arnold Schwarzenegger. The Europeans have also worked hard to
underline the importance they attach to the issue. As British Prime
Minister, Tony Blair made climate change one of his two key priorities
for the UK-chaired G8 summit at Gleneagles in Scotland (the other was
Africa). Germany’s Angela Merkel has made the issue a
similarly
high priority. She has also shown herself willing to tackle the
question of developing country responsibilities, arguing that a policy
of ‘intelligent growth’ should be based on the
principle of
convergence of developed and developing country emissions towards equal
per capita levels.
As throughout the course of climate change’s gradual rise to
prominence, certain events have continued to act as a lightning rod for
spikes in concern, a tipping point. In 2005, Hurricane Katrina hit New
Orleans. Whilst
scientists had generally been careful to avoid attributing the blame
for specific disasters at climate change’s door (preferring
instead to say that specific damages were ‘consistent with
predicted effects’ of climate change), many media outlets in
the
US were less afraid of posing the question. Time magazine asked on its
cover, “Are we making hurricanes worse?”
– and
concluded, on inside pages, that indeed we were.xxxvii
What was more important, however, is the demonstration of how
vulnerable an American city could be to an extreme weather event. Look
at the fragility of modern society, was the message many people took
home.
The Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change, meanwhile,
appealed to a different audience on a quite different level, and, like
the IPCC, showed how expert commentary could help shape the broader
debate.xxxviii The review was
intended to answer two questions: how much would unchecked climate
change cost? And what would be the price of a stable climate?
Stern’s success can be attributed in part to his ability to
generate eye-catching figures: for example that climate change could
cost as much as the twentieth century’s two world wars and
the
intervening great depression combined. The review also provided much
detail for other economists to chew on and had a great impact on
economically-minded opinion formers. The Financial Times, for instance,
hosted considerable discussion of its findings and, in an editorial,
declared itself satisfied that there was now a robust case for tackling
climate change. The review, it said, is “not only a counsel
of
hope, it is a necessary call for action”.xxxix
So we reached – at least according to many media commentators
– a tipping point, a watershed on climate change. Business
Week called 2006
“the year global warming went from controversial to
conventional
for much of the corporate world”.xl
The Observer newspaper termed it “the year the world woke
up”.xli
Momentum continued into 2007. The IPCC declared that warming was
undoubtedly happening, and that there was a greater than 90 per cent
chance that most of this warming was due to human activity. Climate
change was reported to be the hottest topic of the 2007 World Economic
Forum meeting in Davos. Just before the June G8 meeting, President Bush
announced that the US recognised climate change as a ‘serious
problem’. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon convened an
unprecedented head of state level summit to discuss climate change. And
to cap it all, Al Gore and the IPCC shared the Nobel Peace Prize. You
might have been forgiven for assuming that it was – almost
– all over bar the shouting.
xxxvi Henrik Selin and Stacy D. VanDeveer,
Political
Science and Prediction: What's Next for U.S. Climate Change Policy?,
2007, available at http://unhinfo.unh.edu/news/docs/020107vandeveer.pdf
xxxvii See http://www.time.com/time/covers/0,16641,20051003,00.html tipping
point
xxxviii
Stern, Nicholas (2006). Stern Review on the Economics of
Climate Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Also available
at
http://www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/independent_reviews/stern_review_economics_climate_change/stern_review_report.cfm
xxxix Financial Times, 31 October 2006. tipping
point
xl
Business Week (2006). "Global Warming." Business Week no. 4014
(December 18), p. 102
xli The Observer, 24 December 2006. “The pivotal moments of
2006”.
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