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Perceptions of Climate Change
Perceptions of Climate Change 8
An extract from: Alex Evans and David Steven, 2007
The London Accord and Centre of International Cooperation,
Climate
change: the state of the debate
Conclusion
In the next section of the paper, we make an assessment of a range of
polling data to try to determine whether perceptions of climate change
really did pass a tipping point in 2006, and if so, what exactly has
and has not tipped. But first, a brief review of some of the key themes
we can discern in the history.
First, the importance of an ebb-and-flow dynamic in public perceptions
of climate change is striking. The story of levels of interest and
engagement about the issue is anything but a steady, linear increase in
airtime and concern. Instead, perceptions of climate change have been
characterised by peaks of attention followed by lapses back towards
indifference. But each peak of focus seems to lay the foundation of the
next – by catalysing higher levels of scientific engagement,
or
the development of the environmental movement, or in other ways
initiating conversations. A geological metaphor seems appropriate. The
‘earthquakes’ of public or media focus and
attention happen
only irregularly. In between, the shocks, tectonic plates of opinion
are shifting – but silently, below the surface.
Second, the history of perceptions of climate change often seems to be
characterised by a dialectic between two opposed, or at least
contrasting, schools of thought. From disbelief in the early years of
the twentieth century that humans could influence a system so vast as
the climate, to disputes between environmentalists and US
conservatives, between sceptics and believers, or between
unilateralists and multilateralists, debate has always been a key motor
in driving the climate change agenda. Action will almost always awaken
resistance. Understanding climate change requires a certain amount of
‘looking ahead’ to enquire which forces will be
awakened if
the debate moves in direction x or direction y. Europeans, for example,
await eagerly a Democrat replacement for George Bush. If one should
come, however, it is already clear that the front will simple move
towards those who will paint any concession on climate as evidence of
an un-American betrayal. Players need to have the vision to think two
or three moves ahead, not be locked into the game as it stands today.
Third, it is crucial to notice that the history of climate change is
not just about facts, evidence and argument. Images – of
melting
glaciers, of Kilimanjaro sans snow, or polar bears on ice floes
–
matter enormously. So do relationships, as with the friendships between
James Hansen and Walter Sullivan or Senator Tim Wirth that were to lead
to so much media coverage. Values count, too, much as they are often
overlooked in analyses of social dynamics. So too do beliefs, both as
in ‘what people believe’ and ‘what people
want to
believe’. Finally, myths count a great deal, the deep stories
that societies tell themselves about why they exist, about what is and
is not taboo, and about their relationships with other societies and
with the natural world. We are on dangerous ground indeed if we assume
that perceptions of climate change are driven wholly – or
even
primarily – by rational considerations.
Fourth, it is worth noting the role played by shared concepts,
vocabularies, conventions and institutions. The IPCC set a standard for
describing the nature and extent of the climate problem, and laid the
basis for consensus about its seriousness. The Stern Review did some of
the same work in the economic sphere, detailing how much action and
inaction would cost. The Climate Change Convention offered a framework
for climate stabilization. There is a hierarchy here. The
‘problem’ consensus is stronger than the
‘costs’ one. The ‘solutions’
consensus is
shakiest of all. Moreover, the consensus is not formed by the reports
or agreements themselves, but by the ‘informal
conversations’ that surround them.
Finally, it should be noted that the climate change
‘aristocracy’ – those who matter to an
eventual
agreement – is an increasingly large and diverse group. It
may be
comforting to believe that a solution will eventually come down to the
views of three or four heads of state (the US, China, India, and
whichever European leader is most eager to please), but it is also
quite wrong. Foreign policy in the modern age is about many
interlocking networks. Governments are only one participant in a
distributed, multiplayer game. The number of pieces on the board will
grow, not shrink, if the game shows any sign of moving towards an
endgame. Climate change’s ‘informal
conversations’
will have to be extensive and wide-ranging if anything approaching a
final settlement is to be reached.
(source: Global Gas Concentrations CO2, Earth Trends, World Resources
Institute (http://earthtrends.wri.org/searchable_db/index.php?theme=3);
and Mauna Loa CO2 monthly mean data, Dr. Pieter Tans, NOAA/ESRL
(www.cmdl.noaa.gov/gmd/ccgg/trends))
go from Perceptions of Climate Change back to Climate Change Debate

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